Suchergebnisse

Places B. Grofman's critique of racially polarized voting, in this issue, in the broader context of minority vote dilution. Presents evidence on racial voting in Fort Lauderdale, clarifies the purpose of the model that Grofman criticizes, and responds to Grofman's errors. Includes reply by Grofman. GAW

Electoral districting and the vote share needed for election are analysed in terms of structural features. Challenges to the majority vote requirement and electoral formats are based on claims arising under the 1982 Voting Rights Act that these arrangements dilute the influence of minority voters. Examines turnout and its racial breakdown to determine whether there is a relationship with the challenged mechanisms. (SJK)

On September 1, 1931 Lt. Col. C. Seymour Bullock wrote a letter to Mr. Meloy containing his criticism of an article that Meloy wrote for the March 1931 issue of the ""New York Waltonian"" on the Hewitt Amendment and an article Mr. Hopkins wrote for the next issue of the ""New York Waltonian"" on the same topic that Bullock has seen an advance copy of. Bullock is a member of the Izaak Walton League and wants an unbiased portrayal of the Amendment put before the membership so they can decide if they support it.

PREVIOUS RESEARCH HAS EXAMINED THE IMPACT OF THE MAJORITY VOTE OR RUNOFF ELECTION REQUIREMENT ONT EH SUCCESS OF MINORITY AND INCUMBENT CANDIDATES IN THE SOUTH. THIS STUDY EXAMINES THE CONSEQUENCES OF RUNOFFS IN CHICAGO CITY COUNCIL ELECTIONS. CONTRARY TO ALLEGATIONS THAT RUNOFFS DISADVANTAGE MINORITY CANDIDATES, FROM 1975 TO 1991 BOTH MINORITIES AND WOMEN WERE ADVANTAGED BY THE MAJORITY VOTE REQUIREMENT IN CHICAGO, IN ADDITION, THE RUNOFF APPEARS TO HAVE BEEN A CRUCIAL FACTOR IN THE REPLACEMENT OF DALEY-MACHINE BLACK COUNCILLORS IN THE LATE 1970S AND 1980S WITH ALLIES OF HAROLD WASHINGTON.

THE IMPACT OF CHANGE FROM MULTIMEMBER DISTRICTS TO SINGLE-MEMBER DISTRICTS FOLLOWING THE 1980 CENSUS IS EXAMINED IN FIVE STATE LEGISLATIVE BODIES. UNLIKE RESEARCH WHICH HAS REPORTED NET CHANGES STATEWIDE, THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES CHANGES IN ELECTION RESULTS AS PREVIOUSLY MULTIMEMBER DISTRICTS BECAME SINGLE-MEMBER DISTRICTS. THE TRANSFORMATION GENERALLY BENEFITTED MINORITIES AND REPUBLICANS, WITH BOTH GROUPS OFTEN GAINING IN THE SAME (FORMERLY MULTIMEMBER) DISTRICT. THE CHANGE LESS OFTEN RESULTED IN ADDITIONAL FEMALE LEGISLATORS. DELEGATIONS TENDED TO BECOME SOMEWHAT MORE BIPARTISAN AFTER ADOPTION OF SINGLE-MEMBER DISTRICTS.

Examines the impact of various structural arrangements on Hispanic city council representation in cities with 1980 populations over 25,000. The size of the Hispanic populations is the chief determinant of presence on city councils. Demonstrates that use of different population size thresholds to select units for analysis and differences in the methodological treatment of outliers produce different results. (Abstract amended)

This research note offers a systematic empirical inquiry into the potential effects of various voting methods and electorate-specific variables on the rate at which citizens register a preference via the act of voting. Voting methods were analyzed in relation to the rate of undervotes recorded in Georgia's 159 counties during the 2000 general election using a set of multivariate models. Results show that lever machines and 'fill in the oval' optical scan ballots are associated with lower rates of undervoting. Counties with large numbers of new registrants, lower education levels, and a higher proportion of African-American voters had higher error rates. Results provide strong evidence that voting methods and ballot types, as well as electorate-specific characteristics, are key factors in determining the error rate associated with the processing voting at the county level. (Original abstract - amended)

Explores awareness of the race of the respondent's state senator. African Americans unaware that their senator is black will receive not symbolic benefits from descriptive representation. Data were gathered by the Florida Survey Research Center in 6 southern state senate districts, of which 3 had black senators. Most blacks (as well as most whites) represented by an African American senator were unaware of that fact. Larger percentages of both groups knew the race of their senator when he or she was white. Respondents who knew their senator's name were more likely also to know the legislator's race. African Americans represented by black senators were significantly less likely to know their legislator's race. (Original abstract - amended)

Recognizing that females (Fs) are not elected to Congress as often as males (Ms), examined are the emergence, political experience, & financing of open-seat congressional candidates at the district level to determine the role played by gender in the most competitive congressional elections, 1982-1992 (N = 230). Multivariate regression results indicate no direct influence of candidate gender on congressional election outcomes. Fs who won congressional seats did so in the same manner as Ms: they had elective experience & access to adequate financial resources. In 1992, the "year of the woman," F candidates ran in greater numbers with ample resources. This trend did not continue into 1994, when F advancement stalled due to a paucity of F candidates & the preponderance of Fs running as Democrats. 5 Tables, 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

Previous research has examined the impact of the majority vote or runoff election requirement on the success of minority and incumbent candidates in the South. In Chicago city council elections from 1975 to 1991 both minorities and women were advantaged by the majority vote requirement in Chicago. Also, the runoff appears to have been a crucial factor in the replacement of Daley-machine black councillors in the late 1970s and 1980s with allies of Harold Washington. (Original abstract-amended)